72146 An Anthropological view of sanitation issues in rural Bolivia. A summary Introduction lowlands or plains. A qualitative maximum authority and the pivot of methodology was used to take into their community life. The earth or To expand coverages of basic account the viewpoints of members of Pachamama is considered to be sacred sanitation services in Bolivia, a each group, thus capturing their indivi- and honored as the main life resource range of organizations have undertaken dual opinions, positions, and attitudes. for humans, animals, and plants, all of latrine building projects in recent decades This paper provides a summary of which are seen as parts of a structured utilizing a variety of intervention strategies, the study’s main results and present and interrelated whole. methodological approaches, and con- findings about the relations between the The Aymara and Quechua world is struction techniques. However, evaluations cultural patterns identified among the split into a “here” world, or the visible have shown that in most cases the actual communities in Bolivia’s three regions and tangible world where men plant, use of these latrines by participating fami- and their use of sanitation facilities. harvest and which they share with other lies is under 50% of the latrines built. Given Bolivia’s wide ethnic and people and animals, and the world The need to understand the factors geographical diversity, representative “underneath” or the world of darkness, leading to these results prompted a joint communities were chosen determined by or the residence of dead people’s souls, initiative by the World Bank’s Water and ecological niche and ethnic group the sacred guardians, and other beings Sanitation Program, UNDP , UNICEF , and criteria. Below are presented their main and spirits. Mutual respect, balance, and Bolivia’s Rural Basic Sanitation characteristics. reciprocity characterize the relations Program ¾ PROSABAR ¾ to undertake between the two worlds. An Anthropological Study of 1.1. High Plateau Communities For these ethnic groups, disease is Sanitation in Rural Bolivia. Ethnic groups in this ecological niche are the consequence of a dysfunctional The study was conducted between mainly Aymara and Quechua who live relationship between man and nature, 1998 and 1999 by a research team in dispersed, semi-dispersed, and con- and the community and their ancestors. largely made up of anthropologists who centrated settlements. Young men and People of the High Plateau show a studied 14 representative communities women alike migrate temporarily to the range of habits for disposing of their comprising four distinct ethnic groups - cities. Generally, however, they are en- excreta and do so in different places Aymara, Quechua, Moxo and Guarani. gaged primarily in farming and herding depending on their work, and season. One or more of each ethnic group for household consumption. Their social They may use places near their homes inhabits all three of the country ’s organization is strong and their commu- but will not defecate along roads, in geographical areas, i.e. the high lands nities are governed by decisions made other people’s property, or where they or high plateau, the valleys, and the within Community Assemblies, their may be seen. 1 1.2. Valley Communities ity. Despite the presence of Western these households are members of an In- Valley communities are also mainly of health care personnel, valley people dian Town Council (Cabildo Indígena). Aymara and Quechua ethnic origin, and share with their High Plateau compatri- Only a small fraction of these people like their High Plateau equivalents, they ots a similar vision of the universe, and migrate seasonally to urban areas. Their also migrate periodically to the cities. trust their health care to medicine men. main economic activity is subsistence However, farming in valley communities It’s the fundamental task of mothers to agriculture. Land for these communities around the country is more intensely preserve their families’ health. evokes a broader concept than in the linked with towns and cities. The land or valleys or highlands. They distinguish the Pachamama (Mother Earth, in Quechua Excreta disposal habits: Also as in the yvy territory from koo agricultural land language) is seen as the origin of life and High Andean Plateau, people in the and tenta, or the place for dwellings. As axis of their social and symbolic organi- valleys dispose of their excreta in different in the Andean vision of the world, nature zation. There is strong cultural stratifica- places, according to their work and time is sacred. Human society, the forces of tion. Aymara laris ( unskilled labor in the of the year. Children use areas near their nature, and the spirit all share the same Aymara language) are at the bottom of homes while grown up men and women level of existence. For these communi- the social ladder and live in the higher will go further. Residents avoid using ties, each element of nature has an owner lands. Quechuas occupy the middle so- roads, private properties, or exposed or iya while no being is inert or neutral. cial layer and live in dispersed or semi- places for disposing of excreta or relieving Men as well as nature are deposits of dispersed settlements. The third, upper themselves. good and evil, and disease appears when layer is also filled by Quechua who live the existing social and cosmic harmony in the low valleys in larger communities. 1.3. Lowland Guarani and Moxo is disrupted. The Community Assembly wields the Communities highest authority. Like their High Plateau Settlements are dispersed. Groups of Excreta disposal habits : These counterparts, the people of the vallies or homes or tenta are organized around a communities establish a clear distinction vallunos, recognize two worlds, the “here” kinship pattern and make up an extended among spaces they consider suitable for and the “nether” worlds. The relation family nucleus comprising anywhere from living, animals, farming, and for disposing between the two is governed by the prin- 15 to 60 families, with 4 to 8 members of waste they see as dirty, i.e. human and ciples of respect, balance, and reciproc- each and headed by a Captain. In turn, animal excreta. 2. Sanitation considerations in the three regions 2.1. Houses and their surround- 2.2. Excreta disposal sites and Disposing of excreta: Most of those ings cleaning systems interviewed mentioned that domestic Research findings concerning people’s Social and cultural regulations govern animals including dogs and pigs con- homes and their surroundings pointed the disposal of excreta in all the com- tribute in eliminating the excreta near to shared patterns in the three regions. munities of the study. Two types of spaces the houses. Likewise, most people men- Houses are seen as sacred and they are generally available for these func- tioned that nature itself helps in clean- comprise two well-defined areas: one tions. ing the excreta. Once they dry up in the inside for the people and another out- sun, they are carried away by wind and side area for animals. Nonetheless, 1. Near the house, in the backyard or rain, or eaten by wild animals. “clean” animals are kept closer to the behind the house walls, where People are aware of the relation be- home, and domestic animals may even smaller children relieve their bowels. tween human contact with excreta and wander freely around the house yard 2. Grownups prefer open fields, diseases like diarrhea and trichinosis while “dirty” animals, like pigs, are kept streams, and hills (in lowland com- (cysticercosis). in a sty near the house. munities) in 71% of the cases. 2 fear of darkness, latrines are always women think that cleaning is not enough used in the daytime and never at night. to remove unpleasant odors. Moreover, None are properly maintained and fre- latrines are uncomfortable: they make quently, they are used for storage. people feel “imprisoned” (as the Gua- rani mentioned), or the stepping boards 2.4. Why aren’t latrines used? are too far from the hole, making the A number of reasons may be cited: latrines difficult for women and children to use. The study also encountered la- 2.4.1. Cultural and social trines of poor quality and inappropriate considerations location, for example some were Residents in the three regions use clearly- constructed near riverbanks and were defined areas for excreta disposal, and destroyed during the rainy season. Oth- letting nature take care of cleaning is ers were built far from housess in order practical and effective. Moreover, they to prevent flies from infesting the are not aware of the latrine’s function people’s homes. as a barrier to the spread of disease. 2.4.3. Institutional For Andean people, latrines break considerations: Policy and 2.3. Latrines in the communities their logic because the earth or Pacha- strategy deficiencies Latrines¾ whether dry-pit with or with- mama is sacred and holes must not be Most latrine building initiatives lacked out ventilation, or alternatively provided dug to deposit excreta in them. Addi- technical assistance, and people were with a water seal, windows and tionally, a latrine is a “small house” never trained in hygiene and environ- ventilation¾ are found in many schools where defecating is inconceivable, since mental health issues. Little information and communities. Guarani communities houses are sacred. Fear of darkness is and dissemination was provided con- build their latrines by digging a hole in another important deterrent as well as cerning the latrines’ benefits. For in- the ground and covering it with a board fear of “holes” among women and the stance, some people said they did not with a hole. No outhouse is built around presence of flies and other animals re- use the latrines because they found toi- them and they are usually hidden in lated to death and evil beings. Modesty let paper too expensive and were not nearby groves. is very important to many individuals aware of other natural products for per- Generally, these latrines were built who are embarrassed to be seen going sonal hygiene (a response from valley without technical assistance. Most are towards or into the latrine. community residents). In some commu- part of water projects, comprehensive nities mass latrine building was part of health projects (such as cholera preven- 2.4.2. Technical and maintenance a comprehensive health effort that re- tion programs), and home improvement considerations garded people as project beneficiaries initiatives. There in no accurate data Unpleasant odor is a frequent deterrent rather than agents. Elsewhere, the resi- about frequency of use because talking of latrine use. Lack of appropriate ven- dents contributed their work to build the about excreta is taboo in most commu- tilation and clogging caused by poor latrines in exchange for food, or as a nities. Researchers identified men as the construction and maintenance are rea- condition for building water supply and most frequent latrine (57%) users. For sons for the no use of latrines. Many other projects. 3. Conclusions The research team concluded sults in inappropriate technical designs. as an imposition by external agents on that sector experts’ limited under- Additionally, given the intervention the communities. standing of the cultural values and world strategies applied in these projects, la- Although the study revealed that for vision of indigenous communities re- trine construction and use is perceived a variety of reasons latrines are more 3 frequently used in some areas than in focused its work on generating others, including as status symbols or sanitation awareness and first aid skills, as a way to denote assimilation to urban and only then launched a debate within ways, other considerations including the community about latrines. their unpleasant smell, location, Construction tasks, organizations’ discomfort, and size are effective and families’ contributions in labor and constraints to their more frequent use materials ¾ were all identified. Along and hamper increased demand for latrines. Regardless of the type of the way, the community could count on community, latrine acceptance directly the organization’s support and related to the institutions’ intervention guidance, which led to community strategy. In the Tapacarí region an NGO acceptance and use of the latrines. 4. Final Remarks Professionals involved in plan- boys, and girls. It is also of utmost im- ning and executing development portance to improve latrine design and projects should seek to identify and take examine technical alternatives that will into account indigenous people’s vi- provide the best way to meet the people’s sion of the world and cultural elements expectations, with due consideration for in projects design, as well as in the de- gender and age differences. Lastly, all velopment of training contents, meth- interventions must include a period ods, and materials. It is likewise critical during which male and female commu- to launch a process to create informed nity members become familiar with the demand for improving community sani- latrine’s technical features and social tation, involving traditional and admi- implications, so that they can recognize nistrative authorities, grassroot organi- its importance in improving living con- zation representatives, men, women, ditions and protecting health. 4