WK:b IZ51Q POLICY RESEARCH WORKING PAPER 1810 Inspections and Emissions a~peo p'' nts in .. A. direct A in India rtMun- y pesreQ pn maorp ro~i red anrg. Puzzling Survey Evidence about eison rdofolrmak Industrial Pollution nptIrposbibeae fw t . ow pro ,b,,ty Of enforc.ehnt and the low Sheoli Pargal Muthukumara Mani Mainul Huq The World Bank Development Research Group August 1997 U POLICY RESEARCH WORKING PAPER 1810 Summary findings Industrial plants face pressure to abate water pollution They find that high levels of pollution in India elicit a from many sources, national and local, through formal formal regulatory response: inspections. But inspections government regulation and through more informal are ineffective in bringing about changes in behavior, pressure from consumer groups and concern for the probably because of bureaucratic or other problems in firm's reputation. follow-through. Moreover, poorly paid inspectors with Formal regulation tends to reflect the bargaining low morale may be susceptible to "rent-seeking." power of local communities and is not as uniform or They find little evidence to support the hypothesis that blind as the law would imply. Regulators are not immune better-educated and higher-income communities are to the pulls and pushes of powerful community interests. better able to pressure plants to reduce emissions than Studies of enforcement in the U.S. steel industry, for are poorer communities, although there are significantly example, find that it is weaker at plants that are major more inspections in more developed districts. In India, employers in the local labor market. whatever community pressure exists is probably Using survey data from India, Pargal, Mani, and Huq channeled through formal regulatory mechanisms. examine whether the monitoring and enforcement Larger plants in India, as in the rest of the world, tend efforts of provincial pollution control authorities are to be "cleaner" than smaller plants. Indian policymakers affected by local community characteristics (which serve and regulators may want to explicitly recognize the as proxies for political power). They also test for tradeoff in environmental quality of the existing evidence that informal pressure on plants results in regulatory bias toward the small- and medium-scale negotiated reductions in emissions. sector. This paper - a product of the Development Research Group - is part of a larger effort in the group to study environmental regulation in developing countries. The study was funded by the Bank's Research Support Budget under the research project "The Economics of Industrial Pollution Control in Developing Countries" (RPO 680-20) and by a trust fund under the research project "Social and Environmental Consequences of Growth-Oriented Policies." Copies of the paper are available free from the World Bank, 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433. Please contact Eric Krapf, room N10-039x, telephone 202-458-0513, fax 202-522-3230, Internet address ekrapf@worldbank.org. August 1997. (21 pages) The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the view of the World Bank, its Executive Directors, or the countries they represent. Produced by the Policy Research Dissemination Center INSPECTIONS AND EMISSIONS IN INDIA PUZZLING SURVEY EVIDENCE ON INDUSTRIAL WATER POLLUTION by Sheoli Pargal Muthukumara Mani and Mainul Huq The World Bank Policy Research Department 1818 H Street, NW Washington D.C. 20433 We thank Ken Chomitz and Zmarak Shalizi for valuable comments; David Wheeler for generous access to the plant data used for this paper; and Adriana Castro for excellent research assistance. I. Introduction Industrial plants face pressure to abate pollution from many sources, working through different channels. On the one hand there is regulation by local or central pollution control authorities, who can formally impose fines, closures or other types of punishment for violating regulatory provisions. On the other hand are communities, which seek compliance with locally acceptable norms or standards. Many cases of direct negotiation and "Coasian" bargaining between plant managements and local inhabitants have been documented around the world. These informal arrangements may rely upon reputational concelns, direct threats or social pressure. Of course, reputational and other concerns can play out through the market as well, e.g., through consumer pressure in export and domestic markets, or through the impact on stock prices, bank lending rates, etc.2 This impact has sometimes been explicitly leveraged by regulators via public information campaigns and various types of "Green" labeling schemes.3 At the same time, it is recognized that formal regulation, especially the monitoring and enforcement of standards, tends to reflect the bargaining power of local communities and is not quite as uniform or blind as the law would imply. Regulators are not immune to the pulls and pushes of powerful interests at the community level. Especially in a democratic polity, local political power cannot be ignored when deciding where to target limited resources. Gray and Deily (1996) show that enforcement in the US steel industry is lower at plants which are large employers in the local labor market. Dion et al. (1997) find considerable local variation in the stringency of monitoring of compliance with uniform national standards in the pulp and paper sector in Quebec. There may be no objection on economic efficiency grounds if regulators end up focusing on areas where activism, political power, or incomes are high, since these would be the very areas which would have a higher valuation of environmental damages. While such outcomes tend to offend the sense of equity that is implicit in uniform national regulation, they are problematic only if they result in a diversion of resources from "objectively" serious I For instances see Pargal and Wheeler (1996), Hettige, Huq, Pargal and Wheeler (1996). 2 See Hamilton (1993), Arora and Cason (1996). 3 For example: the TRI in the USA, PROPER in Indonesia. 2 environmental problems to more frivolous issues.4 As is well known, it is entirely possible that the regulatory process might be "captured" by particular interest groups (Stigler 1971, Peltzman 1976). Firms factor in local activism as well as the strength of likely regulatory pressures when making location, production, or pollution abatement decisions. For instance, studies on the exposure of different population subgroups to environmental pollution5 have noted that hazardous waste generators in the US tend to be disproportionately located in disadvantaged areas, leading to questions of regulatory discrimination on income or racial grounds.6 While discrimination has not been conclusively demonstrated by any study, Hamilton (1993) has shown that commercial hazardous waste generating firms do take explicit account of the ability of a community to organize politically, as proxied by voter turnout rates, when making capacity expansion decisions. Informal arrangements between plants and communities are, thus, likely to be complementary to existing formal regulation, and usually exist alongside the latter. In this paper we use survey data from India to examine whether the monitoring and enforcement efforts of provincial pollution control authorities are affected by local community characteristics that act as proxies for political power. At the same time we test for evidence of informal pressure on plants that would result in negotiated lower emissions. We follow the basic approach taken by Pargal and Wheeler (1996) in modeling pollution emissions as the equilibrium outcome of a demand for emissions or "use of environmental services" originating from industrial plants, and a supply of environmental services being provided by communities. The supply price of pollution is determined by the community's valuation of the damage caused by pollution and by its ability to extract recompense from the polluting plants, i.e., its bargaining power. We think that the negotiating strength of communities is likely to be highly correlated with income level, and correlates of income like literacy. In the absence of district level data on income, we have used an indicator of district development which incorporates literacy, urbanization, and other factors to proxy for negotiating power. 4 See for instance Dasgupta and Wheeler (1997). 5 See Gould (1986), Greenberg and Anderson (1984), Brooks and Sethi (1997). 6 Been (1994) has shown that race and poverty may be important factors in siting decisions for landfills and other undesirable entities. She also shows that the impact of such entities on disadvantaged communities is often exacerbated by the functioning of property markets. 3 The demand for environmental services from plants is a derived demand akin to other factor demands. Demand shift factors include plant characteristics, external pressure to abate and the prices of other inputs - all of which would affect the marginal cost of abatement. This paper is organized as follows. Section II presents an overview of the state of environmental regulation in India. We present our model and econometric estimation framework in section III and describe the data in section IV. Estimation results are presented in section V, with section VI concluding. H. Environmental regulation in India There is a basic division of power between the centre and the states in India, reflecting the federal nature of the Indian Constitution. The mandate of the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) is to set environmental standards for all plants in India, lay down ambient standards, and coordinate the activities of the State Pollution Control Boards (SPCBs). The implementation of environmental laws and their enforcement, however, are decentralized, and are the responsibility of the SPCBs. Anecdotal evidence suggests wide variations in enforcement across the states. In fact it has been argued (Gupta 1996) that although states cannot compete by lowering environmental standards in order to attract new investment, they can get around this by lax enforcement. The two main pollution control statutes in India are the Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act of 1974, and the Air (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act which came into being in 1981. Thereafter, Parliament passed the Environment (Protection) Act in 1986. This was designed to act as umbrella legislation for the environment, with responsibility for administering the new legislation falling on the Central and State Boards. The law prohibits the pollution of water bodies and requires that generators of effluent/ discharges get the prior consent of the SPCBs. This consent to operate must be renewed periodically. SPCBs have the legal authority to conduct periodic inspections of plants to check whether they have the appropriate consent to operate, whether they have effluent treatment plants, take samples for analysis, 4 etc.7 Some of these inspections are also programmed in response to public requests and litigation. The penalty for non-compliance is fines and imprisonment, but until 1988 the enforcement authority of the SPCBs was very weak. It was limited to criminal prosecution (with its attendant delays) and seeking injunctions to restrain polluters. Now, however, SPCBs have the power to close non-compliant factories or cut-off their water and electricity by administrative orders. The potential cost to the plants of non- compliance is thus not trivial, so there should be an incentive for plants to comply with the law. However, compliance depends on both monitoring and enforcement of the law by the SPCBs. Since water pollution regulations have been on the books longest, and there are well known and relatively inexpensive means of testing these emissions, we decided to focus on water pollution monitoring in this paper. Also, we examine the impact of inspections on water pollution emissions to assess just how successful the laws are in their implementation. It is often the case that organizations measure "success" in achieving their policy goals in terms of an increase in spending or the number of actions taken, rather than outcomes. For instance, assessing performance by counting the frequency or absolute number of inspections rather than the resulting environmental quality would be valid if, indeed, inspections have an impact on emissions. In the Indian context, despite a strong legal framework and the existence of a large bureaucracy for dealing with environmental regulation, the public perception is that implementation remains weak. Given the penalties in force for non-compliance in India and keeping in mind the extent of the SPCBs' powers, it should be emphasized that the impact of inspections on compliance will be only as strong as the threat of enforcement and punishment faced by the plant. In an environment of corrupt local inspectors or bureaucratic procedures that hamstring action against errant behavior, inspections alone are unlikely to be effective. Also, the reality is that resource constraints at the state level mean that environmental management often degenerates into crisis management.8 Inspections are undertaken at the time that operating consent is granted, and thereafter usually only in response to complaints, accidents or other emergencies. 7 "...to inspect sewage or trade effluents, works and plants for the treatmnent of sewage and trade effluents... or in connection with the grant of any consent as required by this Act." Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974. s Conversation with Utpal Mukhopadhaya, former Environment Secretary in Maharashtra, India. 5 In our sample of 250 plants, 51 plants indicated that they had undertaken abatement in response to NGO pressure and 102 said they had done so in response to complaints from neighbouring communities. This led us to conjecture that there would be a limited plant level response to inspections alone. m. Model and estimation We assume a competitive industrial structure where firms take output and factor prices as given. Pollution emissions are modeled as another factor of production in an extended KLEM framework. Firms face a pote,ntial penalty for polluting which is a function of regulatory and community pressure. This penalty is increasing in emissions levels, Z; in the intensity of the direct regulatory monitoring and enforcement effort, 1i; and in community bargaining power, which is proxied by the level of development, d, of the district in which the plant is located. The expression +(Z,d,g), where fz>O, Pg0, Od >O, is a reduced form representation of the total pollution penalty faced by the plant. Thus each firm minimizes costs as described below: Min PL*L+ PK.K+PM*M+PE*E+(Z,d,4l), s.t. y